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Doctrine W. Davenport
Overseer at Pettigrew Plantation
Washington Co, NC

Excerpts from:
Ebenezer Pettigrew, An Economic Study of an Ante-bellum Planter
By Bennett Harrison Wall
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of North Carolina in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History
Chapel Hill


Beginning on page 199: Hathaway was not successful in his relations with his employer nor was he successful in running the plantation. Pettigrew wrote a friend that Hathaway would not finish the year. To counter the action of the irresponsible youth and to keep free of entanglements with his stepmother, Pettigrew placed his Negro foreman, Bill, on the plantation. Bill exercised the authority necessary to direct activities whenever Hathaway was away though nominally Mrs. Mary Pettigrew retained control. Bill's journal, kept at the request of his master, portrays the work program that was carried out under his supervision and is an illustration of the efficiency of Negroes in positions of authority who fulfilled the trust of employers. Hathaway remained Mrs. Pettigrew's overseer until the end of the year when he was discharged. (48)

In January, 1831, Doctrine W. Davenport began to manage Ebenezer Pettigrew's Bonarva Planation. When he began work for Pettigrew as overseer, he was an unmarried young man, possessed of tremendous energy and ambition. Davenport was literate and wrote detailed accounts of operations when Pettigrew as away. He was the most successful white overseer ever employed by any of the Pettigrews. A native of the Lake Phelps area, he was familiar with the problems of the small farmers in the vicinity, and while overseer he frequently found employment for them in the slack seasons. He hired his three Negroes to Pettigrew while serving as overseer. He became devotedly attached to his friend and employer, and evidence indicates that on one occasion he thrashed one of his friends for casting aspersions on Pettigrew (49). Pettigrew became attached to his overseer, and his relationship with him was paternal rather than businesslike. Davenport frequently referred to his employer's kindness and many favors as emanating from fatherly interest. Several years after his marriage, Mrs. Davenport's health failed and Pettigrew took her to Baltimore and to the White Sulphur Springs in an effort to improve her health. Davenport was a successful administrator and prosecuted the plantation routine with vigor.

An excellent commentary on planter-overseer relationship, as well as a detailed picture of the duties, demands, trials, and tribulations of an overseer, is found in the Pettigrew-Davenport correspondence. Early in February, 1831, Pettigrew wrote to John H Bryan: "Though I am exceedingly forgetful, every part of the business is so natural to me, that nothing suffers for want of attention. I have a very good overseer now." (50) In the summer of that year Pettigrew consulted specialists in New York and Philadelphia about his failing health. While away he requested his local physician, Dr. William C Warren, to observe the manner in which his overseer was conducting himself and to write him about the business of the plantation. Warren wrote praising the overseer's energy and attention. "I learn from your overseer Mr. Davenport, that about fifty acres of your corn field has suffered - it was entirely inundated - he supposes your crop will be lessened about an hundred barrels ..... Mr. Davenport is making some progress with the ditch-he has dug about a mile and a half, though he says water from the Savannah pours in so fast he can't possibly dig it any deeper than it is." (51) A few weeks later Warren reported that Davenport had been ill but was "now well and persevering," (52) Pettigrew returned in October and found that Warren had been just in his appraisal of the work conducted. "I arrived at my mothers the 7th (from New York) .... The next day I came to my prison. After an examination & report, I would say that everything has gone on with the strictest propriety. The Quality of work done is almost incredible to me, though I know it. My negroes appear & my overseer says has expressed great desire to see me, and that they have generally behaved well. There has been nothing in the slightest degree like insubordination .... My overseer since my absence has opened a ten feet canal (it was before six feet) 4 feet deep, from my canal at the red house to the Bee tree field, within 300 yards of the Lake. It is a distance of 5 miles, and will now drain the Bee Tree field perfectly & lay a large tract of woods in a state of great improvement. He has also dug 3/4 of a mile of 5 & 6 feet ditch in other places. I have gathered about 400 barrels of corn. It produces about 12 barrels to the acre & my overseer says that there is much better in the field and that 240 acres will be good for more than ten barrels to the acre, as far as I have seen I would say he is right," (53) Davenport received $200 and his "keep" for overseeing Bonarva Plantation in 1831. There was no white overseer employed at Belgrade in 1831. Faithful old Bill continued to chart activities of the male slaves. (54)

In 1832 Davenport received a raise in pay of $50. In 1832 Pettigrew hired Jesse Spruill to supervise Belgrade Plantation. Spruill and Davenport were entirely satisfactory, and under their management the plantations prospered. On one occasion Davenport exercised his seniority and checked on Spruill to appease Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, who felt that while her stepson toured the South and West disasters would beset the plantation. (55) Spruill was given leave to attend to his private affairs late in the fall, (56) but contracted in December to superintend Belgrade in 1833. (57) Pettigrew was lavish in his praise of Davenport and Spruill. Replying to Pettigrew's eulogies about his plantations and overseers, James C Johnston wrote: "It is fortunate for any person to have a good overseer but perhaps it would be better for you to have some weight of business on your mind to divert it from other thoughts, but as it is your overseer being so well qualified will give you an opportunity to leave home and mix more in Society which I would advise you to do." (58)

By the late fall, 1932, Pettigrew was able to devote close attention to plantation affairs, as a result of the improvement in his health partially effected by a sea voyage to Tallahassee, Florida. As soon as the news of his vastly improved conditions was noised about, Charles Shepard, his brother-in-law, requested that he take a wealthy nephew "to become acquainted with the duties & interests of a Southern Planter." (59) Pettigrew took the nephew, young George Jones, and gave him an intermediary position on the plantation where he could observe both overseer and he planter at work. The experience with Pettigrew as quite valuable to young Jones. (60)

In 1833 Spruill and Davenport were retained as overseers at Belgrade and Bonarva plantations respectively. Mrs. Mary Pettigrew died August 4, 1822, from old age and complications resulting from a fall in her garden. (61) She left Belgrade Plantation to Pettigrew. Spruill completed the year as overseer at Belgrade, but Pettigrew was only using an overseer at Belgrade until one of his sons could take over. Pettigrew wrote Mrs. Mary W Bryan about Spruill and Davenport: "My business went on as well as I could wish in my absence. My agents are good and honest men, but they had got through and were wanting me for more direction & I am called on constantly to Say what next," (62) Davenport's salary was $250.00 (63) and Spruill's salary was $100.00 (64) including a bonus of $25.00. Davenport received an additional amount of $150.00 for the year's work of his Negroes, Arthur and Simon. (65)

Spruill left Belgrade in 1833. William Hathaway, his successor, did not measure up to Davenport at Bonarva. Pettigrew continued to express satisfaction with Davenport and demonstrated his confidence by travelling extensively in the spring and summer. In August he returned to Bonarva. Davenport was permitted to go to New York on Pettigrew's schooner, the Lady of the Lake, with a wheat cargo. When Davenport returned, Pettigrew wrote to his son William: "I am going on as usual. Mr. Davenport returned in due time from N. York, in good spirits but he soon got in the dumps. He has been nearly ever since at Belgrade ditching, all which ditches I shall have completed next week." (66) Davenport and Pettigrew's sons, engaged in correspondence while the latter were in college. His letters gave them reports on the business of overseeing and pictures of plantation life. (67) There was no caste feeling either on the part of the overseer or the planter's family. William and Charles treated Davenport like a relative and dear friend. Undoubtedly the energy and ambition which Davenport exhibited on the plantation were partially responsible for this attitude. Yet the leavening factor was the recognition on the part of the already established planter and his sons that he and his father had obtained their station as planters by hard work. Pettigrew succeeded in convincing his sons that it was by hard work that men gained fortunes and that hard work was necessary to keep them. The year 1834 was a particularly hard one for Ebenezer Pettigrew. For the first time since the death of his wife he was physically fit and in complete possession of the faculties necessary to discharge all the duties pressing upon him. Since Davenport was able to perform many of the duties which had previously occupied Pettigrew's energy, he found himself with free time and Hathaway was so hopelessly inefficient, Pettigrew did not waste his energy attempting to make an overseer out of him. The result was that he brooded a great deal. He wrote Mrs. Bryan that here was little of interest in his social life. "My overseers, workmen and a foreigner, who though an exemplary man, has no conversations either religious or worldly, and is therefore as company a Blank & in the way as far as preventing me from going to Belgrade and staying as long as my business requires." (68)

One of the accomplishments of the year 1834 was the decision to coordinate the two plantations, Belgrade and Bonarva, as a unit under one overseer, and thus reap the advantages of flexibility and consolidation of labor and equipment. The first step in the program was to discharge the Belgrade overseer, William Hathaway. Ebenezer wrote William S Pettigrew, in November that "Mr. Hathaway" was a "poor creature. It is possible that I Shall not employee him next year." (69) While in New York in December, he signified his intention in this respect, "After Christmas I discharged one of the overseers ... which I hope will be an evidence that N York has not run me crazy," (70) The overseer was released on Dec 23. Pettigrew paid him $150.00 for his services in 1834. (71) Davenport received $300.00 for his services and $180.00 for the work of his Negro slaves, Arthur, Simon and Fred. (72) Profits from the two plantations in 1834 were not large because of the large capital outlay for supplies and equipment and skilled labor. But both Pettigrew and Doctrine Davenport anticipated larger revenues in 1835 from the systematic improvements which had been effected in land reclamation, equipment, machinery, and labor force.

In 1835 the planter and his overseer tackled a program of improving Belgrade under the new plan of integrating it with Bonarva. Pettigrew paused a moment in January to report to William. "We are getting along chearily at Belgrade. All the lumber is got and in the yard for the addition to the machinehouse or barn and Mr Brickhouse has begun to frame. Mr. Davenport has inclosed all the deaded woods with fence; he has since ploughing all the ground for the next corn field cut down 45 acres of new ground & roaled half of it for ploughing, so you see there is no idleness in my establishment." (73)

He added the information that he had accepted the nomination as candidate for Congress from the Third district and that "my business is in a very snug way & I suppose with Mr. Davenport's attention can get along."

Pettigrew devoted his attentions from January to June, 1835, to the business of refurbishing his acquaintanceship with political affairs - a field in which he had shown no great interest after retiring from the State Senate in 1811. Davenport pushed work on both plantations and still found time to cultivate the gentler passions. He married on June 11, a woman described by Pettigrew as "a modest well disposed woman." (74) Pettigrew electioneered while Davenport attended the plantations. A decisive victory in the August election testified to Pettigrew's popularity. When the election tumult and hubbub ceased, Pettigrew visited New York, Washington, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. He returned to his plantation in October to find "My business is going well. My overseer does not relax from his duty. I have been for the past week making wine." (75)

A few weeks later he left the plantation in Davenport's care and went to Washington to take his seat in Congress. Davenport pushed the Negroes vigorously and received excellent co-operation from them. Undoubtedly the approach of the Christmas holiday season with attendant festivities and opportunities for gluttony aided to promote good behavior on the part of the Negroes. The slaves in the more responsible positions behaved well. In the unusual and informative weekly correspondence which the overseer began on December 13, 1835, frequent reference is made to the good behavior of the Negroes. But shortly after the holiday season the Negroes began a revolt. It was this discontent on the part of the slaves and Davenport's admitted inability to handle the situation which worried Pettigrew and abetted his dislike for public life. It is not clear that the Negroes were entirely responsible for the overseer's lack of success.

Pettigrew had given certain Negroes special privileges and considerations, and Davenport disapproved of this policy. Davenport did not like Jim, Pettigrew's personal servant and a valuable and skilled laborer. When the differences between policies of the overseer and the master became apparent it was the key Negroes, all of whom had been convicted previously of offenses against plantation code, who led the revolt. By Christmas, Nelson, a driver, was in irons; (76) at New Year's, Holloway and Gabe, two of the more industrious slaves, were in irons; (77) two weeks later old Charles, a venerable ex-driver, and Jim were mentioned as disobedient; (78) in February, Harry, a powerful and intelligent driver, was given one hundred lashes, and Jim was definitely at outs with the overseer. (79) The letter which informed Pettigrew of the latter occasioned his visit to his plantation from March 6 to March 22. He spent this period of two weeks trying to quell the rapidly swelling number of discontented slaves.

Davenport admitted his inability to handle the situation and expressed relief that it was "but four months more before Charles Pettigrew will be home." (80) The lament from the vexed and melancholy overseer in the spring and summer of 1836 must have tried the patience of Pettigrew who was compelled to remain in Congress. Davenport wrote each week relating new troubles. In May the rains came, and he wrote: "Old Ben and Charles say they have not sean as much water in twenty years." (81) A week later he reported general disobedience in the quarters with new trials on his managerial abilities. This period of misconduct on the part of the slaves continued for several months. After a week's holiday for Christmas, Davenport was unable to get them to return to work until he had distributed one thousand lashes. Pettigrew returned shortly thereafter, and the troubles ended. Within a few weeks the Negroes had approached maximum efficiency in their plantation tasks.

In 1835 and 1836 Davenport received an annual salary of $350.00 for his services in addition to housing and food allowances. A part of this high wage was for assistance in training Charles and William Pettigrew in the duties and details of plantation management. In 1836 Charles began to take an active part in plantation affairs and to assist Davenport in handling the many tasks involved in the supervision of a plantation.

Davenport was not only an industrious foreman but was also a gifted mechanic. He excelled in making minute repairs to the plantation machinery and equipment. The various duties performed by Davenport during the absence of Pettigrew are excellent examples of the calls upon an overseer as an administrator and as a workman. Shortly after Pettigrew left for Washington to begin his congressional term, his overseer wrote that he had been engaged in superintending the slaves who were breaking land and clearing and hauling corn stalks which task was enough to "wery the patience of Job." Also he had burned a quantity of brick, and penned the hogs preparatory to slaughtering them. (82) On December 20, Davenport wrote: "I am a hold hog man that I will leave nothing that ought to be done," Despite heavy rains he expected to finish ploughing by Christmas. (83) The following week's report carried news of celebrations in the quarters and heavy rains. The rains prevented the Negroes working outside and all were engaged in "nubbing" corn. Hogs had been killed and the pork salted. (84)

During the last week in the year, Davenport took advantage of the excellent head of water and began to operate the plantation sawmill. He examined the corn for mould and rot and rode over the land to evaluate the prospective wheat crop. Since it was court week, he left the plantation to attend and he reported financial inflation in the region by noting that a field hand sold for $1,000.00 and a Negro woman and child for $900.00. (85) For a time it appeared that floods would inundate the region. The overseer stated, "it is enough to make a man Scratch his head when it does not each to See the land awl covered with water." Despite the rain Davenport had cleared the space for his dwelling house. (86)

The problem of land reclamation was tackled despite the weather and Negroes were sent into the swamps to clear new ground. Davenport pointed out that they were rolling logs which were too wet to burn. Smallpox had been reported in the vicinity, and he had taken the necessary precaution of locking the Negroes in the quarters at night. (87) By March the fields were cleared for ploughing, and the overseer stated that seventy acres of new ground had been cleared and would be planted in corn. (88) At the same time Davenport had superintended the construction of his house. In March he was busily engaged in planting corn, hauling manure and exercising his skill as a veterinarian with the stock. He reported in April the death of a mule; and in May, Jess found many of the cattle dead of exposure resulting from the bitter winter and cold wet spring. (90) Each week a new activity was reported as the temp of the crop growing season accelerated. During the week ending May 16 the slaves hoed 150 acres of corn and loaded the schooner, Lady of the Lake, with the fall corn crop. (91) The vessel returned on May 30 and was reloaded leaving 800 barrels of corn. (82) The rains came again in June, and the overseer reported that in the first three weeks there were fifteen days of constant rain; a plague of frogs covered the plantation; and all the plantation manpower was used in an effort to ditch, drain, and dam, and thereby divert the water and save the crop. On June 12, the overseer advised his employer: "I expect to commence cuting wheat about the 18th of the month and if it continues so wet god awlmighty nose what I shall do." (94)

Early in the year 1837 Pettigrew decided to forsake politics in order to return to his plantation. Fearing that his health was failing, he intended to develop fully his plantations in order to provide adequately for his five children. While conducting large scale operations, he intended to train his sons, William and Charles, to manage a plantation. Thus while Doctrine Davenport was nominally overseer and next in rank in the plantation managerial structure to Ebenezer Pettigrew, the actual duties devolved more and more upon the boys. Davenport found time to being operations on his farm, utilizing his three Negroes, Arthur, Simon, and Fred, for more than half the year; but he hired them to Ebenezer Pettigrew when he could not profitably employ them in his own plantation interest. (95)

Charles carefully gave Davenport credit for all work accomplished. In January, Charles wrote his father: "Mr Davenport has rolled the logs on 4 Square and burned them on 3, he Seems to be getting along rapidly." (96) Young Johnston's appended scrawl was more explanatory to the layman than his elder brother's technical remarks. "Mr Davenport ... he has cleared thirty acres of land." (97) Davenport wrote William later in January, stating that he and Charles had sown 240 acres of wheat, gathered 1.650 barrels of corn, and cleared quite a bit of new ground. With regard to Ebenezer Pettigrew's statement that William expected to become an apprentice planter after graduation in June, Davenport wrote: "I understand from your father that you are coming home in June which I am very glad and the way we will farm wil be a sin to crocket." (98) Each week Charles reported to his father the progress made in extending the arable land and the hazards overcome by the overseer. In March, the wet season led Davenport to bush the canal dike to prevent crumbling. But the wet season and the warm weather produced "the most likely wheat crop" seen on the Lake. (99)

Davenport's industry and efficiency provoked frequent praise from Charles. In August Pettigrew drained the water from his farm thus providing young Charles with an example of engineering skill. Davenport was sent to Belgrade to tackle the same problem. Both men felt that the quantity of rain on August 17 exceeded any amount previously seen in that region. (100) Davenport's general report is interesting. "We have had three dreadful stormes it has damedg our crop six or seven hundred barrels the water on Demcy Sspruill bridge was from 3 to 4 feet deep the lake has bin intirely overflown they has not bin one hundred acres of land what has bin under water such a time never was seen her before Mr. Pettigrew had a lode of corne sold for one dollar twenty three cents a busheld we have one more lode we expict to ship in a few days Mr. Charles Pettigrew has bin very sicke and is in bad health now Mr Pettigrew are in tolerable good health I have got one of the finest little sons you ever see my little daughter grows very fast as her skin can hold her I am in hopes you will be home shortely and the way we wil farme next year wil be a sin to crocket Mary send her respects to you I remaine your sincier friend." (101)

Ebenezer Pettigrew supervised his plantations directly in 1838. Davenport remained as overseer, but many of his duties were performed by Charles and William Pettigrew. While William served as an apprentice without pay, Charles contracted to manage Bonarva Plantation for $200.00 (102) and proved worth his hire.

Both Charles and William were attentive but Ebenezer Pettigrew expressed preference for William; he feared that Charles had inherited the "wild Shepard strain." William located at Belgrade and records reveal that the brothers were not novices at supervising slaves or crops. Because of a combination of good weather and an efficient plantation program, the crops were in excellent condition in July. The planter summed up his activities and prospects for James C Johnston, his friend on the Roanoke: "I have satisfied my sons & negroes of the general advantages of the work & they are quite enthusiastic on it ... Since commencing this letter the time has passed to August third ... the lameness of my overseer from spraining his ankle the whole business devolves on me and this week has been a particularly heavy one, in consequence of clearing out my canals. (103)

Pettigrew proved to his own satisfaction as well as his sons that the incapacity of an overseer need not halt plantation activities. But Charles and William succumbed to malaria and left to travel in the North hoping that a change of climate would restore their health. (104) Early in August Ebenezer wrote Mrs. Bryan that his sons were gone and his overseer crippled but that by strength and will he carried on. (105) He later wrote her husband: "You will naturally ask what on earth am I so busy about. I am taking down a pretty stout house at the Lake & carring it to Belgrade, I am building two others there also replastering the house & fiting it up against William's return. And I am cuting the avenue for a canal from the Lake plantation through the dismal, which will be near seven miles long, which with all the minetia of business you will say gives me very little time for company." (106)

Davenport returned to labor with his employer in harvesting the corn crop. Pettigrew paid Davenport for a full year's work though the overseer had been of little value from the wheat harvest in June to the corn harvest in November. Davenport also received full pay for the services of his Negroes. In January Davenport left the employer he had served for ten years to farm his own land adjacent to that of Pettigrew. He had received excellent training while with Pettigrew and had repaid him with arduous labor. Pettigrew made it possible for Davenport to own a neat "residence .. small but comfortable and very roomy for its capacity ... painted neatly and the plastering ... in very good style." (107) In 1841 Davenport returned to assist Ebenezer Pettigrew for the fall harvest of the year but not in the capacity of overseer.

Doctrine Davenport was the last overseer Pettigrew employed. Charles and William received $200.00 each in 1839 and 1840. In 1841 William assumed complete responsibility for the operation of Belgrade Plantation at a salary of $300.00 and "keep".(108) Charles entered the milling business at Columbia and Pettigrew again commanded Bonarva. But Charles returned in January, 1842, to take charge of Bonarva. The sons remained on the two plantations; William at Belgrade and Charles at Bonarva, until many years after Ebenezer Pettigrew died. In 843 Pettigrew began a third plantation which he called Magnolia but he used no overseer, preferring to direct his Negroes indirectly through Jim and his foreman, Henry.

Most of the overseers employed by Ebenezer Pettigrew were undoubtedly of the same caliber as their fellows throughout the South. The exception was Doctrine Davenport. Pettigrew recognized that Davenport possessed an unusual talent for work and that the plantation would improve under his management. Pettigrew possessed the necessary skill requisite to maintain efficiency in the labor force, and Davenport furnished the strength necessary to supervise work projects. From 1830 to 1839 one-tenth to one-fourth of the plantation income was annually invested in supplies and equipment, more than half in permanent improvements on the plantation. Without his service it is doubtful that Pettigrew would have synchronized operation of the two plantations as thoroughly as he did.

A tribute to the lasting effects of Pettigrew's influence on his overseers is the remarkable success of many of them as farmers. Cleophus Wiley, Archibald Stubbs, and David Davenport succeeded as farmers and on several occasions acknowledged their indebtedness to Ebenezer Pettigrew.

William Woodley was for years an important cog in the huge plantation machine of James C Johnston where his services as master mechanic and general superintendent endeared him to his employer. Many letters from Woodley are filled with praise of Pettigrew and statements of his gratitude to his former employer for his assistance in securing the position with Johnston. Doctrine Davenport succeeded as a farmer both on his own ability and as a result of the constant advice, direction, and financial assistance rendered by Pettigrew. On the other hand, several of Pettigrew's overseers deservedly sank into oblivion.

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Unless noted otherwise the following are found in the file - PETTIGREW MSS: University of NC Library, Chapel Hill, NC

48: J R Hathaway, Receipt, May 14, 1831
49: Dr. William C Warren to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 1834 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
50: Ebenezer Pettigrew to John Heritage Bryan, Feb 5, 1831
51: Dr. William C Warren to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Aug 7, 1831 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
52: Dr. William Warren to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Aug 29, 1831 ibid.
53: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary S Bryan, Oct 12, 1831
54: Doctrine W Davenport Receipt, Dec 31, 1831
55: Dr. William Warren to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Apr 2, 1832 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
56: Jesse Spruill Receipt, Oct 24, 1832
57: Jesse Spruill Contract, Dec 22, 1832 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
58: James C Johnston to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jul 17, 1832, ibid.
59: Charles Shepard to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Nov 10, 1832 ibid.
60: George Jones to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Apr 9, 1834 ibid.
61: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary W Smith, Aug 14, 1833 ibid.
62: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary W. Smith, Dec 18, 1833
63: Doctrine W Davenport's receipt, Jan 1, 1834
64: Jesse Spruill's contract Dec 22, 1832 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
65: Doctrine W Davenport's receipt, Jan 1, 1834
66: Ebenezer Pettigrew to William Shepard, Aug 29, 1834
67: Doctrine W Davenport to William S Pettigrew, Aug 31, 1834
68: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary S Bryan, Sep 25, 1834 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
69: Ebenezer Pettigrew to William S Pettigrew, Nov 15, 1834
70: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary S Bryan, Dec 8, 1834
71: William B Hathaway's receipt, Dec 23, 1834
72: Account with Doctrine W Davenport, Nov 29, 1835
73: Ebenezer Pettigrew to William S Pettigrew, Jan 23, 1835
74: Ebenezer Pettigrew to William S Pettigrew, Jun 23, 1835
75: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary S Bryan, Oct 10, 1835
76: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Dec 26, 1835 (Pettigrew MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
77: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 4, 1836 ibid.
78: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 17, 1836 ibid.
79: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Feb 21, 1836 ibid.
80: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Feb 21, 1836 ibid.
81: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 9,1836 ibid.
82: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Dec 13, 1835 ibid.
83: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Dec 30, 1835 ibid.
84:Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Dec 26, 1835 ibid.
85: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 4, 1836 ibid.
86: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 10, 1836 ibid.
87: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 17, 1836 ibid.
88: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Feb 29, 1835 ibid.
89: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Apr 16, 1836 ibid.
90: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 9, 1836 ibid.
91:Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 16, 1836 ibid.
92: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 30, 1836 ibid.
93: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jun 6, 12, 19, 1836 ibid.
94: Doctrine W Davenport to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jun 12, 1836 ibid.
95: Doctrine W Davenport account, 1837
96: Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 1837
97: James Johnston Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jan 12, 1837
98: Doctrine W Davenport to William S Pettigrew, Jan 25, 1837
99: Charles Lockhard Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jun 15, 1837
100: Charles L Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Aug 24, 1837
101: Doctrine W. Davenport to William S Pettigrew, Sep 15, 1837
102: Belgrade Plantation Book, 1816-1840
103: Ebenezer Pettigrew to James C Jonston, Jul 16, 1838
104: Eenezer Pettigrew to James J Pettigrew, Jul 12, 1838
105: Ebenezer Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary S Bryan, Aug 3, 1838 (Bryan MSS: NC Dept of Archives & History)
106: Ebenezer Pettigrew to John H Bryan, Aug 24, 1838
107: Ebenezer Pettigrew to ____ undated
108: Belgrade Plantation Book, 1816-1840